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HIA Methods :
Glossary
Conclusive evidence of the links between, for example, socio-environmental
factors and health or the effectiveness of interventions is not always
available. In such cases, the best available evidence – that
which is judged to be the most reliable and compelling – can
be used, but with caution.
Involving the community in an activity such as the planning of projects
or carrying out a HIA. There are a number of models of community participation,
some of which are outlined in the Gothenburg consensus paper on HIA
(WHO, 1999). Levels of participation vary (Arnstein, 1969). Manipulation
and co-optation can masquerade as participation.
A comprehensive or “maxi” HIA is a much more detailed
rigorous exercise than either a rapid or intermediate HIA. It usually
involves the participation of the full range of stakeholders, an extensive
literature search, secondary analysis of existing data and the collection
of new data. “Control” populations may also be used (Parry
and Stevens, 2001).
Concurrent HIA is carried out while a policy, program or project is
being implemented.
Systematic comparison of the relative value of different interventions
for producing desired effects (i.e. better health and/or longer life,
where the denominator reflects the expected gain (e.g. deaths-prevented,
quality-adjusted life-years (QALYs) or numbers of individuals meeting
health recommendations) and the numerator expresses the expected cost
of the intervention (Gold et al., 1996). CEA can offer a valuable
adjunct to HIA when there is sufficient evidence to generate discrete,
credible estimates of the health effects and costs of different policy
options.
The process of reviewing the findings and recommendations of a HIA
and making choices about how they should be taken forward.
Determinants of health are factors which influence health status and
determine health differentials or health inequalities. They include
biological factors (e.g. age, gender and ethnicity), behavior and
lifestyles (e.g. smoking, alcohol consumption, diet and physical activity),
physical and social environment (e.g. housing quality, workplace stressors,
and air pollution), and access to health care. (Lalonde, 1974; Labonté
1993) All of these are closely interlinked and differentials in their
distribution lead to health inequalities. Analysts conducting an HIA
will typically start by asking which of these determinants of health
are affected by the proposed policy or project.
These terms are applied to groups of people who, due to factors usually
considered outside their control, do not have the same opportunities
as other, more fortunate groups in society. Examples might include
unemployed people, refugees and others who are socially excluded.
Economic impact assessment involves exploring and identifying the
ways in which the economy in general, or local economic circumstances
in particular, will be affected by a policy, program or project.
Environmental impact assessment (EIA) is a well developed discipline,
both in terms of theory and practice, having been in operation for
nearly 30 years in the United States. Its origins lie in the U.S.
National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (NEPA). In the same way
that HIA explores the health effects of policies, programs and projects
on health, EIA does the same in terms of environmental effects. Some
states have their own statutes, such as California’s Environmental
Quality Act (CEQA) governing environmental impact assessment. Because
they are often subject to numerous mandates and legal challenge, EIAs
are often long, complex documents that may take years and millions
of dollars to complete. While ambient levels of health risks in the
physical environment (e.g. air and water pollutants) are considered
in EIAs, human exposure levels and health outcomes are usually not
specifically addressed in EIAs, except for a consideration of certain
environmental carcinogens and toxins in CEQA. An analysis of the social
determinants of health may be touched on in some parts of EIA, (e.g.
traffic congestion, employment levels, environmental justice), but
it is not a major emphasis.
Inequity – as opposed to inequality – has a moral and
ethical dimension, resulting from avoidable and unjust differentials
in health status. Equity in health implies that ideally everyone should
have a fair opportunity to attain their full health potential and,
more pragmatically, that no one should be disadvantaged from achieving
this potential if it can be avoided. (WHO EURO, 1985) More succinctly,
Equity is concerned with creating equal opportunities for health and
with bringing health differentials down to the lowest possible level.
(Whitehead, 1990). HIA is usually underpinned by an explicit value
system and a focus on social justice in which equity plays a major
role so that not only both health inequalities and inequities in health
are explored and addressed wherever possible (Barnes and Scott-Samuel,
1999).
The evidence base refers to a body of information, drawn from routine
statistical analyses, published studies and “grey” literature,
which tells us something about what is already known about factors
affecting health. For example, in the field of housing and health
there are a number of studies which demonstrate the links between
damp and cold housing and respiratory disease and, increasingly, the
links between high quality housing and quality of life (Thomson et
al., 2001).
A health impact can be positive or negative. A positive health impact
is an effect which contributes to good health or to improving health.
For example, having a sense of control over one’s life and having
choices is known to have a beneficial effect on mental health and
well being, making people feel “healthier” (Wilkinson,
1996). A negative health impact has the opposite effect, causing or
contributing to ill health. For example, working in unhygienic or
unsafe conditions or spending a lot of time in an area with poor air
quality is likely to have an adverse effect on physical health status.
Health impact assessment (HIA) is most often defined as “a combination
of procedures, methods and tools by which a policy, program or project
may be judged as to its potential effects on the health of a population,
and the distribution of those effects within the population”
(World Health Organization, 1999). This broad definition from the
World Health Organization European Center for Health Policy (ECHP)
and presented in the Gothenburg Consensus paper on HIA reflects the
many variants of HIA. A somewhat more precise definition is that HIA
is “a multidisciplinary process within which a range of evidence
about the health effects of a proposal is considered in a structured
framework, …based on a broad model of health which proposes
that economic, political, social, psychological, and environmental
factors determine population health” (Northern and York Public
Health Observatory, 2004).
Health inequalities can be defined as differences in health status
or in the distribution of health determinants between different population
groups. For example, differences in mobility between elderly people
and younger populations or differences in mortality rates between
people from different social classes. It is important to distinguish
between inequality in health and inequity. Some health inequalities
are attributable to biological variations or free choice and others
are attributable to the external environment and conditions mainly
outside the control of the individuals concerned. In the first case
it may be impossible or ethically or ideologically unacceptable to
change the health determinants and so the health inequalities are
unavoidable. In the second, the uneven distribution may be unnecessary
and avoidable as well as unjust and unfair, so that the resulting
health inequalities also lead to inequity in health.
Healthy public policy is a key component of the Ottawa Charter for
Health Promotion (1986). The concept includes policies designed specifically
to promote health (for example banning cigarette advertising) and
policies not dealing directly with health but acknowledged to have
a health impact (for example transport, education, economics) (Lock,
2000).
Impact assessment is about judging the effect that a policy or activity
will have on people or places. It has been defined as the “prediction
or estimation of the consequences of a current or proposed action”
(Vanclay and Bronstein, 1995)
Integrated impact assessment brings together components of environmental,
health, social and other forms of impact assessment in an attempt
to incorporate an exploration of all the different ways in which policies,
programs or projects may affect the physical, social and economic
environment. New Zealand and Australia have particularly noteworthy
examples of integrating HIA into existing EIA processes.
An intermediate HIA may combine a workshop with key stakeholders followed
by desk-based work to build up a more detailed picture of the potential
health impacts than those which would be identified during a rapid
or “mini” HIA. It may involve a limited literature search,
usually non-systematic, and is mostly reliant on routine, readily
available data (Parry and Stevens, 2001).
Monitoring is the process of keeping track of events. For example,
the monitoring of a project may involve counting the number of people
coming into contact with it over a period of time or recording the
way in which the project is administered and developed. Evaluation
involves making a judgement as to how successful (or otherwise) a
project has been, with success commonly being measured as the extent
to which the project has met its original objectives. Both the “process”
(activities) and “outcomes” (what is produced, for example
in terms of changes in the health of those targeted by the project)
can be monitored and evaluated.
HIA is not the preserve of any one disciplinary group. Instead, it
draws on the experience and expertise of a wide range of “stakeholders”,
who are involved throughout the process. These may include professionals
with knowledge relevant to the issues being addressed, key decision
makers, relevant voluntary organizations and – perhaps most
importantly – representatives of the communities whose lives
will be affected by the policy (Barnes and Scott-Samuel, 1999).
The term neighborhood usually refers to a local area which is defined
in some way physically (for example, an estate or an area bounded
by major roads) or by people’s perceptions of what constitutes
their local area. Neighborhoods are usually fairly small. For example,
neighborhoods designated for New Deal for Communities funding are
usually made up of around 4,000 households or around 10,000 people.
The effect the process has had on the people targeted by it. These
might include, for example, changes in their self-perceived health
status or changes in the distribution of health determinants, or factors
which are known to affect their health, well-being and quality of
life.
The products or results of the process. These might include, for example,
how many people a project has affected, their ages and ethnic groups
or the number of meetings held and the ways in which the findings
of the project are disseminated.
A policy can be defined as an agreement or consensus on a range of
issues, goals and objectives which need to be addressed (Ritsatakis
et al., 2000). For example, “Saving Lives: Our Healthier Nation”
can be seen as a national health policy aimed at improving the health
of the population of England, reducing health inequalities and setting
objectives and targets which can be used to monitor progress towards
the policy’s overall goal or aims.
The term program usually refers to a group of activities which are
designed to be implemented in order to reach policy objectives (Ritsatakis
et al., 2000). For example, many Single Regeneration Budget programs
and New Deal for Communities initiatives have a range of themes within
their program – often including health, community safety (crime),
education, employment and housing – and within these themes
are a number of specific projects which, together, make up the overall
program.
A project is usually a discrete piece of work addressing a single
population group or health determinant, usually with a pre-set time
limit. Usually (but not always), the term refers to “bricks
and mortar” projects involving construction of a discrete structure
or group of structures, such as a power plant, highway, or housing
development.
Prospective HIA is carried out before any action has been taken, either
in terms of drafting a policy, putting together an action plan or
implementing it so that steps can be taken, at the planning stage,
to maximize the positive health impacts of a policy, program or project
and to minimize the negative effects (Scott-Samuel et al., 1998).
HIA tries to balance qualitative and quantitative evidence. It involves
an evaluation of the quantitative, “scientific” evidence
where it exists but also recognizes the importance of more qualitative
information. This may include the opinions, experience and expectations
of those people most directly affected by public policies and tries
to balance the various types of evidence (Barnes and Scott Samuel,
1999). Generally speaking, quantitative evidence is based on what
can be counted or measured objectively whilst qualitative evidence
cannot be measured in the usual ways and may more subjective, for
example, encompassing people’s perceptions, opinions and views.
Groups of individuals defined by locality, biological criteria (e.g.
age, gender, health condition, or common exposure), or social criteria
(e.g. socio-economic status or cultural affiliation). How a population
is defined in an HIA will depend on the proposed project/policy being
considered, health issues of most concern, the extent and classification
of existing evidence on those health issues, and what information
is of most value to the policy-making process.
The health of groups, families and communities, defined by locality,
biological criteria (e.g. age, gender or health condition), or social
criteria (e.g. socio-economic status or cultural affiliation). The
population health approach, which provides a foundation for HIA, emphasizes
health as a resource or capacity, not simply a state.
A rapid or “mini” HIA, as the name suggests, is done quickly.
It may be a “desk top” exercise, reliant on information
which is already available already available “off the shelf”
(Parry and Stevens, 2001), or through a half day or one day workshop
with key stakeholders (Barnes et al., 2001). In either case, there
is usually a minimum quantification of the potential health impacts
which are identified.
Retrospective HIA is carried out after a program or project has been
completed. It is used to inform the ongoing development of existing
work.
The quantitative approach to HIA incorporates many of the elements
of risk assessment laid out in environmental impact assessment and
engineering. The risk assessment paradigm prescribes a sequence for
four steps for assessing risks: (1) hazard identification, (2) exposure
assessment, (3) dose-response assessment, and (4) risk characterization
(i.e. evaluation of impact of changing exposure levels. Usually, but
not necessarily this process is quantitative. Despite apparent objectivity,
it is dependent on a series of assumptions and analytic choices (Nurminen,
Nurminen and Corvalen, 1999).
The proportion of new events or cases in a given time period attributable
to exposure to a risk factor (Kleninbaum, Kupper, Morgenstern (1982).
The ratio of the probability of an event occurring in an exposed group
versus an unexposed group. A relative risk of 1 indicates that there
is no difference in the two groups’ risk of the event. A relative
risk of 2 indicates that the exposed group has double the risk of
the unexposed group.
Scoping refers to the process of identifying the potential health
impacts of a policy, program or project before they are quantified,
as in a rapid HIA. It may include reviewing the relevant literature
and evidence base and collecting the views of key stakeholders (those
with expert knowledge of the project, those involved and those potentially
affected) followed by the tabulation of the potential health impacts
(Parry and Stevens, 2001).
In relation to HIA, screening usually refers to an initial step being
taken in order to determine whether a policy, program or project should
be subject to a HIA. The criteria used for this process may include,
for example, the size and cost of the activity in question, the extent
of any obvious or immediate health effects or the perceived extent
of longer term effects. A new road transport policy, for example,
might meet these criteria in view of its potentially high financial
cost, the possibility of immediate health effects in terms of road
traffic accidents and likely longer term effects in terms of air quality.
Social impact assessment is “the process of assessing or estimating,
in advance, the social consequences that are likely to follow from
specific policy actions or project development, particularly in the
context of appropriate national, state or provisional policy legislation”
(Vanclay and Bronstein, 1995). It is based on the assumption that
the way in which the environment is structured can have a profound
effect on people’s ability to interact socially with other people
and to develop networks of support. For example, a major road cutting
across a residential area can have the effect of dividing a community
with implications for social cohesion (Hendley et al., 1998).
SEA has been defined as “the environmental assessment of a strategic
action: a policy, plan or program (Therivel and Partidario, 1996).
SEA developed out of the recognition that the environmental impact
assessment of specific projects, whilst an extremely valuable device,
does not allow sufficient scope for the examination of the effect
of a combination of projects. A commitment to sustainable development
requires that a strategic approach to the environment be adopted.
(Wood, 1995).
HIA is fundamentally about clarifying uncertainty – pointing
out and attempting to minimize specific areas of uncertainty about
the possible health impacts of a proposed policy. There are actually
many types of uncertainty, including “model uncertainty”
(uncertainty about the logical and mathematical representation to
explain phenomena) and “parameter uncertainty” (certainty
about the value, variation, accuracy, etc. of a specific relations
or conditions in a model). High levels of uncertainty (especially
model uncertainty) may preclude HIA, but at the same time the value
of information from an HIA tends to be highest when there are high
levels of uncertainty.
Adapted and expanded from one created by Ruth Barnes for the Health
Development Agency (U.K.) and posted on the W.H.O. HIA website (http://www.who.int/hia/about/glos/en/index.html
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35(4):216-224.
Barnes R, Scott-Samuel A. 1999. The Acheson report: beyond parenthood
and apple pie. Journal of epidemiology and Community Health. 53(6):322-3
Bronstein D., Vanclay F. 1995. Environmental and Social Impact
Assessment. Chichester, New York: J. Wiley.
Corvalen C., Nurminen M., Nurminen T. 1999. Methodologic Issues
in Epidemiologic Risk Assessment. Epidemiology. 10(5): 585-93.
Gold M, et al. 1996. Cost-effectiveness in Health and Medicine.
New York. Oxford University Press.
Kleinbaum D., Kupper L., Morgenstern L. 1982. Epidemiologic Research:
Principles and Quantitative Methods. Belmont, Calif.: Lifeitme Learning
Publication.
Labonete E, Paris J. 1993. Life events in borderline personality
disorder. Canadian Journal of Psychiatry, 38(10):638.
Lalonde M. 1974. A New Perspective on the Health of Canadians.
Ottawa, Ontario, Canada: Minister of Supply and Services.
Northern and York Public Health Observatory. 2004. An Overview
of Health Impact Assessment – Occasional Paper no. 1. Available
at: http://www.phel.gov.uk/hiadocs/200_overview_of_hia_occasional_paper_1.pdf.
Accessed March 17, 2004.
Parry J, Stevens A. 2001. Prospective health impact assessment:
pitfalls, problems and possible ways forward. BMJ. 2001;323:1177-1182.
Partidario M., Therivel R. 1996. The Practice of Strategic Environmental
Assessment. London: Earthscan Publication.
Ritsatakis A., et al. 2000. Exploring Health Policy Development
in Europe. Copenhagen: World Health Organization, Regional Office
for Europe.
Scott-Samuel A. 1998. Health impact assessment--theory into practice.
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concepts and suggested approach. Gothenburg consensus paper. WHO
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http://www.euro.who.int/document/PAE/Gothenburgpaper.pdf. Accessed
March 16, 2004.
* The HIA-CLIC website and this summary were developed by the UCLA Health Impact Assessment (UCLA-HIA) Project with support from the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation.
Updated 09/27/2008
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